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Pakistan’s fiscal cheatcode

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Pakistan’s fiscal cheatcode


A boy walks past a sidewalk money exchange stall decorated with pictures of banknotes in Karachi on September 30, 2021. — Reuters

The recently released IMF Governance and Corruption Diagnostic Report (2025) has exposed the challenges related to governance and corruption in Pakistan and also highlighted the weaknesses, gaps and infirmities of the Public Sector Financial Management (PFM) system.

The strategic objective of strengthening our overall financial and economic governance structure intrinsically hinges upon a robust and efficient PFM system. In its document, the IMF has recommended an audit of supplementary grants of the last ten years by the auditor general of Pakistan (AGP).

Relentless releases of supplementary grants during a financial year vitiate the very sanctity of the budget passed by parliament and not only weaken parliamentary oversight of public finances but also raise questions about our budget-making and execution mechanisms.

There is a need to analyse the issue of supplementary grants in the context of their impact on the broader PFM ecosystem while highlighting the weaknesses identified by the IMF, including budgeting credibility issues and the transparency and accountability regime.

Supplementary grants are a critical but poorly understood component of Pakistan’s expenditure landscape, as the public is not familiar with the significant in-year adjustments that occur after the budget is passed.

The national budget is an instrument for managing the income-expenditure gap through improved tax measures to generate revenue and the setting of prudent expenditure priorities. Insufficiency of approved budgeted funds or the emergence of unforeseen needs during the financial year triggers the issuance of supplementary grants.

They provide the government with legal authority to meet unavoidable overruns, finance new policies and regularise excess expenditure in compliance with constitutional requirements.

They do not balance the budget in the strict sense. However, supplementary grants help maintain transparency by reflecting the true level of spending, allow the reallocation of savings or additional revenues to manage the overall fiscal position and ensure the continuity of essential public services.

If used excessively, these grants can weaken budget discipline and undermine the credibility of the original budget and blur the fiscal position, especially when issued late in the financial year or without matching revenue.

Within the PFM system, the budget and supplementary grants are linked and form part of the constitutional and administrative framework that regulates how public money is allocated, spent and authorised.

The primary authorisation of public expenditure originates from the annual budget, which includes estimated receipts, authorised expenditure, demands for grants and appropriations. Once passed by the National Assembly, the budget becomes the legal authority for the government to spend public funds within the approved limits.

However, experience has shown that during a fiscal year, expenditure may exceed the original budgeted amounts due to weak budget preparation and forecasting, exigencies, policy decisions, price escalations, implementation delays and mandatory payments.

Experience also shows that most grants are authorised in Quarter 4 of financial years, indicating systemic reliance on late-year budget adjustments, the settlement of liabilities and ex post regularisation. This pattern highlights inherent flaws in our budgeting and expenditure management practices that render budget controls irrelevant.

Article 84 of the Constitution allows the federal government to authorise excess expenditure during the year, subject to later parliamentary scrutiny. In addition, Section 25 of the PFM Act 2019 stipulates that “the expenditure in excess of the amount of the budget as well as expenditure not falling within the scope or intention of any grant, unless regularised by a supplementary grant, shall be treated as excess expenditure”.

Past practices have revealed that, within the ambit of this constitutional and administrative framework, successive governments have managed public expenditure by releasing supplementary grants, thereby diluting the sanctity of the budget. No doubt supplementary grants are issued to meet unforeseen needs, but they often undermine the integrity of the budget by allowing expenditure far beyond originally approved limits.

The frequent and discretionary use of supplementary grants weakens fiscal discipline, promotes overspending by ministries and conceals inefficiencies in planning and financial management.

The frequency with which supplementary grants are issued pushes public expenditure beyond the approved budget and diminishes transparency and parliamentary oversight, creating gaps between policy priorities and actual resource allocation.

Over time, this practice has eroded budget credibility, widened fiscal deficits and reduced public trust in the government’s ability to manage public finances prudently.

Supplementary grants, when issued excessively or imprudently, compromise budget integrity and distort spending priorities. They turn the budget from a binding financial plan into a flexible list, ultimately reducing trust in public financial management.

Parliamentary oversight is a function enshrined in the constitution and includes, among other things, watch and control over public funds. The ex-post regularisation mechanism for supplementary grants raises critical questions about the accountability and transparency of public funds, given the absence of proper legislative scrutiny in the National Assembly before their approval.

Proposals for supplementary grants should be discussed in parliament in the same manner as the national budget, with appropriate scrutiny to ensure transparency and accountability.

Past practice shows that the approval process for supplementary grants has oscillated between bureaucratic (Finance Division) and political (cabinet) channels, with legislative role and oversight remaining diluted and ritualistic.

Financial propriety and prudence require that supplementary grants originating during a financial year be approved in the same year, after due deliberation in the National Assembly, rather than through an ex post approval process that is a fait accompli.

Even the apex court has linked the issuance of supplementary grants to strict compliance with procedures outlined in Articles 83 and 84 of the Constitution, which means that approval of the National Assembly is required before incurring supplementary expenditure. The pattern of executive pre-approval of supplementary grants, either by the Finance Division or the cabinet, followed by ex-post regularisation, renders the role of the National Assembly largely confined to ratifying in-year executive decisions rather than shaping them. It appears that the system relies on “end-of-year, executive-driven corrections” rather than a “robust ex ante budgeting and mid-year forecasting”.

It is expected that, once the AGP releases the audit report on supplementary grants issued over the last 10 years, the public will be able to assess whether budget discipline was maintained during that period or whether the supplementary grants mechanism became a parallel funding system. The AGP’s report also needs to highlight matters relating to the exact volume, accountability aspects, transparency and oversight of these grants.

To effectively manage the issue of supplementary grants, it is necessary to streamline budgeting on a realistic basis and move away from ritualistic, incremental approaches. Budget needs should be linked to annual ministerial plans, and targets should be aligned with the strategic objectives outlined in each entity’s Medium-Term Budgetary Framework.

One tool to manage the excessive issuance of supplementary grants during the year is to establish strict criteria for approving additional funds, along with robust in-year monitoring to detect overruns at an early stage. To address transparency and oversight issues, demands for supplementary grants should be presented to the National Assembly promptly, with clear reasons and the expected impact of additional funding.

The role and capacity of the Public Accounts Committee should be strengthened for post-audit scrutiny of such funding. The government needs to adopt policies that restrict large end-of-year supplementary budgets and instead conduct mid-year reviews to adjust allocations rather than waiting until year-end.

The provision of additional allocations of funds needs to be linked to performance and aligned with medium-term fiscal plans. Learning from past deviations may help strengthen overall financial integrity and reduce unnecessary reliance on supplementary funding.


Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed in this piece are the writer’s own and don’t necessarily reflect Geo.tv’s editorial policy.


The writer is the former auditor general of Pakistan.




Originally published in The News





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The border as lifeline

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The border as lifeline


A general view of the border post in Torkham, on December 3, 2019. — Reuters 

In October 2025, Pakistan closed all major western crossings with Afghanistan. Pakistan stated that the closures were necessary because of escalating tensions and TTP-linked attacks originating from Afghan territory. The current regime does not indicate a return to normal movement in the near future.

The immediate costs of the closure have been borne by traders, transporters, labourers, workers and borderland communities who depend on cross-border movement for both economic and social reasons.

Cross-border trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan is central to the borderland economy. It begins before the customs gate, in social connections, reputation, family ties, language, credit and preexisting business relationships. Much of this trade is mediated by trading networks and brokers, whose credibility depends on trust. For people living in Pakistan and Afghanistan, the border is more than a political line between the two countries; it is a long-standing socioeconomic space.

Anthropologically speaking, areas near borders comprise communities with ties to both countries – the country in which they reside and the country on the other side of the line where they have ethnic, linguistic and kinship ties. The official line between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been shaped by centuries of connection; thus, trade in the region is not simply a matter of goods passing through official channels. Much of it is also conducted on credit, given the region’s lack of formal banking and credit systems.

Policies regarding the borderlands of Pakistan and Afghanistan extensively employ concepts such as regulation, security, closure and control. For border populations, however, the frontier is not only about security but also a locally embedded economy of subsistence and mobility. It provides jobs for truck drivers, workers, warehouse staff, loaders, retailers and customs officers. The closure of the border not only affects trade figures but also disrupts the incomes, debts, mobility, and everyday planning of traders, transport workers and borderland households.

Representatives of the business community have often cited an earlier high point of around $2.7 billion in Pakistan-Afghanistan trade, though this should be treated as a business-community estimate, as published figures vary widely. A 2018 report in ‘Profit’ stated that bilateral trade had fallen from $2.7 billion to $1.2 billion in around 18 months, while other reports placed the earlier peak closer to $2.5 billion. Since then, trade has declined significantly. According to Afghanistan’s Ministry of Commerce, reported by Pajhwok, trade between Afghanistan and Pakistan in 2024 stood at $2.461 billion and in 2025 at $1.766 billion.

The Pakistan Trade Development Authority’s December 2025 report shows that Pakistan’s exports to Afghanistan fell from $754 million in July–December 2024–25 to $336 million in July–December 2025–26. Imports from Afghanistan also declined from $419 million to $239 million during the same period. This means that Pakistan’s recorded goods trade with Afghanistan fell from approximately $1.173 billion to $575 million in the first half of 2025–26.

My fieldwork with traders and transporters shows that many traders involved in the Pak-Afghan trade had homes and strong networks in Kabul. These networks gave traders from Khyber and Peshawar an advantage because they could supply goods to Afghan traders on credit due to the trust between them. My fieldwork with transporters in Karachi reinforces the same point about the importance of these networks.

After the border closure, profit margins fell sharply, in some cases by more than 50 per cent. The livelihood chain attached to even one truck is far wider than that of the driver alone, as thousands of households depend on the trucking economy indirectly through people like drivers, assistants, loading bay staff, mechanics, tyre dealers, service stations, roadhouses, warehouses, customs clearance agents, brokers and small traders. The effect of a complete stop of truck traffic for a certain period of time does not end with the transport companies. This will have a flow-on effect on the entire employment structure of the industry.

Today, many traders in Peshawar and Karachi remember a time when journeys to and from the frontier were easier and more familiar. They had homes, relatives, land – and contact networks in Kabul, Jalalabad and Kandahar. For the people of this region, the border has always been a shared space for passage, trade, kinship, and interdependence between the tribal areas and the border districts of Balochistan and neighbouring Afghanistan.

This is precisely what the current policy fails to recognise. The government cannot expect to keep borders safe by creating uncertainty in legitimate trade. While frequent closures may be justified on security grounds, in practice, they punish those who have invested time and money in legal trade to earn a living: drivers, workers, petty traders, brokers and families living near the border. In addition, closing legitimate lines of communication creates an environment that leads to the development of informal channels and increases capital outflow.

Trade and security must be addressed separately. This does not mean weakening regulations; it means recognising that lawful trade cannot survive repeated closures and uncertainty. Pakistan’s approach to Afghanistan should be more economy-centred, but it remains heavily security-centred. A viable frontier economy will require clear guidelines for opening borders, improved customs rules, payment systems and consultations with chambers, transport trade unions, customs brokers and traders from border areas.

Pakistan can manage the Pak-Afghan border more effectively if it does not see it only as a site of state control but also as a conduit for exchange, movement and community linkages.

Border communities should not be treated merely as objects of security policy and left to bear the costs of border closure. They should be recognised as economic actors whose participation is critical for durable border management and security. Policies should keep formal trade viable rather than forcing it outside of regulated systems.


The writer is a policy analyst and researcher. He is the author of ‘Pakistan’s Tribal Borderlands’ and can be reached at: [email protected]


Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed in this piece are the writer’s own and don’t necessarily reflect Geo.tv’s editorial policy.




Originally published in The News





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Pete Davidson’s friends support comic against ex Elsie Hewitt allegations

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Pete Davidson’s friends support comic against ex Elsie Hewitt allegations


Pete Davidson’s friends support comic against ex Elsie Hewitt allegations

Pete Davidson’s friends have leaped to his defence after his ex-girlfriend, Elsie Hewitt, publicly claimed she was raising their infant daughter on her own. 

Following news of the couple’s recent split, the actress posted a video on TikTok whispering that she has to work to make money and is doing it all by herself, which she described as hard. 

However, an insider close to the former couple has hit back at the claims, telling Page Six that the allegations are completely untrue and that the comedian is actually paying for absolutely everything.

According to the source, the Bupkis star is currently covering the rent, general living expenses, and health insurance for both Hewitt and their daughter, Scottie Rose, who was born on 12 December. 

The insider explained that those who know the pair are completely baffled by the posts, asserting that Davidson’s main priority is ensuring his family is looked after. 

Despite the breakdown of the relationship and their personal disagreements, friends insist that the Saturday Night Live alum remains fully committed to being a good father.

The drama unfolded over the weekend when the Industry actress took to social media to ask for help. 

Alongside her TikTok video, Hewitt shared a since-deleted Instagram Story looking for an assistant or nanny to act as her right-hand person, specifying that she would only look at applicants who provided a resume.

The public posts quickly divided fans online, with some labelling Davidson a deadbeat dad while others defended him by pointing out that he is involved in his daughter’s life and has to work as well.

Credit: elsie/instagram
Credit: elsie/instagram

In response to the backlash, Davidson’s inner circle maintains that he has rearranged his entire schedule and done everything possible to be there both physically and financially. 

They emphasize that all the comic wants is for Hewitt to be happy and in a good position. 

Though the pair have officially called it quits, Davidson’s camp is adamant that he is going above and beyond to be a supportive co-parent, despite the picture being painted on social media.





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“Call Her Daddy” podcast host Alex Cooper announces pregnancy with 1st child

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“Call Her Daddy” podcast host Alex Cooper announces pregnancy with 1st child


Alex Cooper, the host of one of the most popular podcasts in the United States, announced Sunday that she is expecting her first child. 

The “Call Her Daddy” host shared the news in an Instagram post that showed her in a white crop top and sweatpants while looking at her husband, producer Matt Kaplan. Cooper and Kaplan tied the knot in April 2024. 

“Our family,” Cooper wrote, along with a white heart emoji. 

Cooper also shared the post on her Instagram story, along with a more candid selfie of herself and Kaplan. In another post, she joked that she was “honestly happy” to “finally stop trying to hide the bump.” 

Cooper did not share a due date or any other information about her pregnancy. 

Alex Cooper and Matt Kaplan attend the YouTube Brandcast event at Lincoln Center on May 13, 2026 in New York City.

Noam Galai


Cooper’s “Call Her Daddy” podcast has over 2.1 million subscribers on YouTube, while Cooper herself has over 7.2 million followers on Instagram. 

“Call Her Daddy” features conversations covering a host of topics, including relationships, celebrity gossip and pop culture. Most episodes involve Cooper speaking with celebrities and prominent national figures, including an episode recorded with former Vice President Kamala Harris during her 2024 run for president.





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