Over the past few weeks, the dominant conversation across Pakistan, and increasingly across the region, has revolved around the country’s potential $13-15 billion defence export and military partnerships pipeline. These discussions are no longer confined to rumours; they are being actively debated and evaluated by both domestic and international media.

The reported deals go far beyond the sale of flagship platforms such as the JF-17 fighter aircraft. They encompass comprehensive defence partnerships, including training, maintenance, upgrades, logistics, and long-term military support, effectively positioning Pakistan as a full-spectrum defence solutions provider rather than a mere arms exporter. This raises a fundamental question: has Pakistan’s military success in May 2025 created the conditions for a long-term economic resurgence, or will it remain a tactical achievement without strategic economic payoff?

Defence exports: opportunity of a generation

Pakistan’s reported defence engagement with Saudi Arabia, potentially expanding into a trilateral framework involving Turkey and Qatar, could alone eclipse headline figures attached to other contracts. Defence partnerships of this nature are rarely capped by nominal deal values; nations spend whatever is required to secure strategic capability, reliability, and deterrence.

Similarly, the reported $4 billion comprehensive defence package with the Libyan National Army, a $1.5 billion deal with Sudan, and ongoing negotiations with Iraq, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Qatar, Egypt and others could cumulatively push Pakistan’s defence partnerships into the $20-25 billion range over the medium term (remember the SIFC’s claim of $100 billion?).

If executed well, this would position Pakistan as a preferred defence supplier for several developing and Muslim-majority nations. This is undeniably positive news, but only if Pakistan treats it as a strategic inflection point, not a short-term windfall.

Rethinking the nation-building blueprint

First, Pakistan must deepen coordination with China to further scale defence manufacturing capacity, ensure technology transfer, and strengthen backward integration. Military self-reliance is not achieved merely by exporting platforms; it requires indigenous production ecosystems, resilient supply chains, and continuous innovation to protect both national security and export credibility.

Second, defence contracts should act as anchors for broader economic partnerships. Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Egypt, Indonesia, Turkey, Azerbaijan, and Nigeria should not only be defence buyers but long-term trade, investment, and industrial partners, creating a regional economic corridor (Pakistan Military & Economic Allies (PEMAs). A regional economic corridor, built around energy, logistics, manufacturing, food security, and technology, would lock in geopolitical goodwill for decades rather than years.

Third, proceeds from defence exports must be used with extreme fiscal discipline. The priority should be to build a genuine war-chest by expanding foreign exchange reserves from the targeted $17.8 billion by June 2026 to $50 billion by June 2030, keeping current account balanced, reducing debt-to-GDP ratio by 1-2% every year, expanding tax-to-GDP ratio by 1% through widening the tax net and capturing the grey market, demonetisation of Rs5,000 notes, digitisation of transactions, ending corruption and bribery among institutions, documenting all gold transactions, thereby aligning economic resilience with military strength. Reverting to consumption-led growth, pre-election stimulus, or renewed current-account imbalances would squander this rare opportunity.

Institutionalising economic security

Fourth, the management of these hard-earned dollars must fall under a high-powered Economic Security Council, analogous to the National Security Council. Its mandate should include reinvestment into next-generation capabilities – advanced aircraft, missiles, naval systems, drones, AI-enabled warfare, and cyber defence – ensuring Pakistan remains a reliable long-term partner for defence buyers.

Critically, these inflows should not be wasted on artificial currency stability or prematurely slashing interest rates back to 6-8%. A 10% policy rate should be treated as a floor, not a temporary inconvenience. Instead, resources must be channelled into dams, railways, energy infrastructure, and retiring costly bilateral debt.

The bigger reform agenda

None of this will succeed if Pakistan neglects core structural reforms. If the country genuinely aspires to become a sovereign leadership by its centenary in 2047, it must confront long-standing distortions:

Reforming the NFC Award; bringing untaxed traders, agriculture, real estate, and services into the net; supporting FBR’s push to raise the tax-to-GDP ratio to 17-20% within five years; restoring export competitiveness through rational energy pricing, liquidity access, and predictable policy; re-engaging the West for technology transfer in AI, machine learning, and robotics; and investing aggressively in globally marketable skills for Pakistan’s youth.

Civil-military alignment

Finally, civil-military coordination must extend beyond security into economic statecraft. The upcoming budgets must reflect seriousness – privatising inefficient DISCOs (not only profitable ones), rebuilding the Roosevelt Hotel using Pakistani capital, reducing excessive taxation on the formal and salaried class, catalysing IT exports, lowering power tariffs for export industries, educating every Pakistani with global skills, creating 100 universities of global standards and investing in dams and canals to secure food security.

Pakistan must demonstrate that it is not only capable in the skies, but equally credible at economic policy tables. Investors – foreign and domestic – must see a country where decision-makers rise above vested interests, dismantle lobbies, curb nepotism, and wage a determined war against poverty, dependence, and the low-growth trap. Military success can open doors. Only disciplined economic strategy can keep them open.

The writer is an independent economic analyst