Torrential rains that lashed Mexico last week killed at least 64 people and 65 more are missing, the government said on Monday, after a tropical depression triggered landslides and flooding in parts of the Gulf Coast and central states.

The unnamed depression came toward the end of the rainy season, battering land and bursting rivers that had already been soaked by months of rains, while forecasters were focused on tropical storms and two hurricanes on the Pacific coast.

“This intense rain was not expected to be of such magnitude,” President Claudia Sheinbaum told reporters.

Admiral Raymundo Morales, Mexico’s Navy secretary, said the flooding was the result of the coming together of warm and cold air fronts over rivers that were already filled to the brink and mountains weakened by months of rain.

Around 100,000 homes were affected, Sheinbaum said. She is set to meet with the finance ministry later in the day to discuss rebuilding efforts, and visit some hard-hit states.

Laura Velazquez, national coordinator of civil protection, said Hidalgo and Veracruz were the states worst affected, with 29 deaths and 18 missing reported in Veracruz, and 21 deaths and 43 missing in Hidalgo.

The rain also destroyed infrastructure such as bridges and left streets filled with mud. Videos and images from last week showed emergency responders wading through deep waters to find stranded residents and get supplies to affected communities.

Authorities have deployed thousands of personnel to help evacuate, clean up and monitor the places that were hardest hit.

Electricity, which had been knocked out in towns across five states, has largely been restored. Authorities said they will also focus on containing the spread of viruses such as dengue, carried by mosquitoes that breed in stagnant water.

Google will invest $15 billion over five years to set up an artificial intelligence data centre in India’s southern state of Andhra Pradesh, a company official said on Tuesday, for its biggest ever investment in the world’s most populous nation.

Google has committed to spending some $85 billion this year to build out data centre capacity as big tech companies spend heavily on building new data centre infrastructure as they compete to fill booming demand for AI services.

“It’s the largest AI hub that we are going to be investing in anywhere in the world outside of the United States,” Google Cloud CEO Thomas Kurian said at a New Delhi event, adding that investment will be spread over the next five years.

“It is a part of a global network of AI centres in 12 different countries.”

The data centre campus in the port city of Visakhapatnam will have a capacity of 1 gigawatt initially, but will be scaled to “multiple gigawatts”, Kurian added.

Earlier, state officials had estimated the investment at $10 billion for the centre, which the state government has said is expected to generate 188,000 jobs.

Microsoft and Amazon have already poured billions into building data centres in India, a key growth market, in which nearly a billion users access the internet.

Indian billionaires Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani have also unveiled investments in building capacity for data centres.

AI requires enormous computing power, pushing demand for specialised data centres, enabling tech companies to link thousands of chips together in clusters.

Google parent Alphabet counts India as a key growth market where its YouTube video services have the most users, and Android phones dominate smartphone usage.

However, the US giant has been battling many antitrust challenges in India over its business practices, and also faces a lawsuit from a Bollywood couple challenging YouTube’s AI policy.

US President Donald Trump, a self-proclaimed peacemaker who has campaigned for a Nobel Prize, finally got a camera-ready diplomatic victory on Monday as world leaders flew to Egypt for the signing of the ceasefire and hostage-release deal he brokered between Israel and Hamas.

But if lasting peace is to take root, analysts and diplomats say, Trump will have to maintain pressure on the man whose support he’ll need in the next phases of his plan: Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

US presidents from Bill Clinton to Joe Biden have found the strong-willed Israeli leader difficult to work with, and even Trump administration officials have been frustrated by some Israeli military strikes they see as undermining US policy.

But this month Trump managed to push Netanyahu into accepting his framework for a broader peace deal while persuading other Middle Eastern countries to convince Hamas to return all the Israeli hostages, its key leverage in the war.

The work could get harder from here, however.

Israel and Hamas remain sharply divided over many aspects of Trump’s 20-point plan and, as Israel prepares for next year’s elections, Netanyahu’s approach may shift as he attempts to keep his right-wing coalition together.

“We’re entering a political year where everything is related to campaigns, and Netanyahu’s calculations may flip from caving to pressure to trying to ensure his political survival,” said Nimrod Goren, the president of Mitvim, an Israeli foreign policy think tank.

The strength of Trump’s peace plan, said the diplomats and analysts, is also its weakness.

The document at the heart of the deal leaves much undefined, and neither side actually agreed to the fine print of each term. That vagueness was key to getting both sides to sign on, but it also means some of the most difficult diplomatic work is just beginning.

Among the potential sticking points of Trump’s peace plan is an agreement that Hamas disarm and play no role in Gaza’s future administration. While Hamas agreed to Trump’s plan generally, the group’s official response made no mention of those specific terms, and Hamas leaders have indicated that they do in fact see a role for themselves in governing a post-war Gaza.

“There are any number of ways this could go sideways,” said Jon Alterman, a Middle East expert at Washington’s Center for Strategic and International Studies and a former State Department official.

“It’s hard to remember an international agreement that left so much to be worked out later.”

The Israeli embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

A senior US official suggested that Trump had gained influence with Netanyahu in part by strongly supporting Israel on other important matters.

Trump’s first administration formally recognised Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and the disputed Golan Heights as part of the country, two things long sought by the Israeli government.

“One thing President Trump’s done with Israel … is that he’s not trying to be a middle-of-the-roader,” the US official said. “He’s basically stood shoulder to shoulder with Israel 100%. But because of that, he’s been able to help guide them in the right direction.”

A sterner Trump

Trump has a mixed record when it comes to applying political pressure on Netanyahu.

In July, Israel bombed the Syrian defense ministry in Damascus even as the US had made a point of expanding ties with the new Syrian government. The US president gave political cover in Gaza to Netanyahu for months amid mounting humanitarian concerns among European and Arab allies.

But in recent weeks, a sterner Trump has emerged. He forced Netanyahu, opens new tab to call the leader of Qatar to apologise after a failed bombing raid targeting Hamas negotiators in that country in September. Ultimately, he muscled Netanyahu into signing onto his 20-point plan despite the Israeli leader’s misgivings.

At the moment, said Alterman, the Middle East expert, Trump can likely exert leverage over Netanyahu given the US president’s significant popularity in Israel.

“Trump’s greatest leverage is he’s much more politically popular in Israel than Netanyahu,” Alterman said, “and he can either support Netanyahu’s political future or sabotage it.”

At the speech before the Israeli parliament on Monday, Trump playfully poked at the Israeli leader in ways that indicated he did not feel the need to treat Netanyahu with special deference.

“Well, see, now you can be a little bit nicer, Bibi, because you’re not at war anymore,” Trump said to laughs.

But next year’s elections could change Netanyahu’s political calculations in ways that are difficult to predict.

Supporters of right-wing politicians Itamar Ben-Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich could in theory threaten Netanyahu’s governing coalition if they are sufficiently angered by the decision to halt military operations against Hamas.

Analysts warn that foot-dragging by the Palestinian group over disarming could lead right-wing elements of the coalition to pressure Netanyahu to resume military operations in Gaza, effectively scuttling Trump’s deal.

“We are troubled with the fact that Hamas still, today, declares it will stay in power in Gaza,” Simcha Rothman, a member of the Religious Zionism party and of Netanyahu’s governing coalition, told Reuters on Monday.

“We are not happy with any deal that is not total surrender of Hamas … We will not accept any partial victory.”

Another issue that could prove an irritant: a provision in the peace plan that admits the possibility of a future Palestinian state, which analysts say most Israelis would struggle to accept after Hamas’ cross-border attack of October 7, 2023.

Dan Shapiro, a former US ambassador to Israel, said that if government and opposition politicians campaign heavily against the creation of such a state, it could limit the willingness of Arab countries to push Hamas to fulfill its obligations under Trump’s deal.

“That was a very important inclusion to get the support of the Arab states to do their part,” Shapiro said.

“If the political discourse is a full-on rejection of a Palestinian state for all time, I think that could color the enthusiasm of the Arab parties to play the parts that they need to play.”