Entertainment
What was the SCO summit about?
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation’s summit in Beijing unfolded in a climate of heightened regional expectations.
What has long been viewed as a largely rhetorical platform for Eurasian cooperation is being steadily reshaped by Beijing and Moscow into something more developmentally oriented.
At the meeting, China’s leadership announced steps to establish an SCO development bank and pledged a new line of credit and soft loans spread over the next three years.
The amount may not be impressive in global financial terms, but for member states facing economic distress, including Pakistan, the message was unmistakable: this forum will not only discuss security and multipolarity but also begin to channel funds and investment into tangible projects.
For Islamabad, that promise comes at a moment when breathing space is scarce, and every dollar counts.
The summit was also notable for the contrast in tone between the addresses of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.
Modi, appearing in China for the first time since the violent border standoff in Ladakh in 2020, stuck closely to the themes India has consistently raised in such gatherings. He spoke of terrorism as a universal menace, making it clear that states supporting violent networks would eventually face consequences.
He also repeated India’s reservations about cross-border infrastructure corridors that do not respect sovereignty, a veiled reference to the Belt and Road Initiative and specifically the CPEC alignment through Gilgit-Baltistan.
Modi used the occasion to highlight that India’s preferred model of regional connectivity lies in ventures like the Chabahar port project and the International North–South Transport Corridor, which, in Delhi’s view, builds trust rather than infringes upon contested borders.
Shehbaz Sharif, on the other hand, echoed the language Beijing has made central to the SCO: respect for territorial integrity, mutual development and inclusive cooperation.
By carefully framing Pakistan’s position around sovereignty while simultaneously leaning into the promise of deeper industrial, technological and agricultural cooperation, his speech aimed to neutralise India’s recurring critique and reframe Pakistan as an indispensable partner in the bloc’s new economic chapter.
Beyond the plenary, Sharif’s engagements in Tianjin and bilateral meetings reinforced the message that Islamabad wants to turn the second phase of CPEC into a story not merely of roads and power plants but of skills, factories and innovation.
It was a script designed to cast Pakistan not as a supplicant but as a willing participant in the SCO’s evolution. Both leaders, in their own way, acknowledged the same reality: the SCO is drifting away from its early identity as a security platform and becoming a forum where development, connectivity and financial support take centre stage.
But they diverged sharply on what this should mean. India views the initiative as risky if it legitimises projects that trespass into disputed territory, and it insists that security threats like terrorism must remain the group’s central concern.
Pakistan, by contrast, views the new financing and project-based emphasis as an opportunity to alleviate its fiscal burdens, expand CPEC into sectors that generate exports and jobs, and gain legitimacy as a key corridor state.
For Islamabad, the week offered a rare convergence of opportunity. With Chinese backing, the SCO’s proposed lending mechanisms could allow Pakistan to access alternatives beyond its exhausting cycle of IMF negotiations.
Even relatively small credit lines, if coupled with better governance, could jump-start long-promised special economic zones or fund modernisation in agriculture. The real challenge lies not in announcements but in delivery. To ensure that procurement is transparent, projects are not politicised and infrastructure actually produces productivity gains rather than white elephants.
Sharif’s government now faces the hard task of matching external pledges with internal reform.
India’s approach, in turn, was cautious but uncompromising. By restating its well-known position that connectivity cannot be imposed without consent and by again prioritising terrorism, Modi ensured that Delhi’s record remained intact.
Yet the SCO’s culture of consensus and its China-led orientation mean India’s sharpest concerns are often diluted in final communiques. Delhi risked appearing like a participant whose voice is registered but not amplified. Its answer has been to champion its own corridors – Chabahar and INSTC – but the credibility of these projects depends on cargo flows and timetables, not only summit speeches.
The International North–South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is a multimodal trade route (combining sea, rail and road) designed to connect India, Iran, Russia, Central Asia and Europe in a shorter, faster and more cost-effective manner than traditional maritime routes.
It was first conceived in 2000 through an agreement between India, Iran, and Russia, and later expanded to include more than a dozen member states, including Azerbaijan, Armenia, Kazakhstan and others.
Unless India can demonstrate that its preferred routes can deliver faster and cheaper access to Central Asia, the risk is that the SCO’s economic turn leaves Delhi more marginal than central. The politics around the summit were, as usual, fuelled by optics. Clips of leaders standing together, exchanging brief greetings or attending ceremonial events drew disproportionate attention.
Some Indian outlets celebrated images of Modi in conversation with Xi and Putin. Some Pakistani channels stressed Sharif’s presence alongside the Chinese president at commemorative events.
But the deeper story lay in the speeches and in the chair’s financial announcements. China reinforced its role as the primary architect of the SCO’s new phase, while Pakistan positioned itself as a beneficiary and partner in that design.
India maintained its principled reservations, ensuring it could not be accused of disengagement. What, then, might each country gain or lose from this shift? For Pakistan, the potential gain is twofold: fresh financial commitments that diversify its external options, and diplomatic cover in a bloc that amplifies its partnership with China.
The symbolism of being cast as central to SCO connectivity is valuable at a time when domestic pressures mount. For India, the risk is not immediate isolation but gradual erosion of influence.
Its insistence on sovereignty resonates at home and among some external partners, but within a forum where Beijing sets the tempo, Moscow provides backing and Central Asian states are eager for investment, India’s objections can seem like background noise unless matched with viable alternatives.
Ultimately, the SCO in Beijing underlined that South Asia’s two rivals are playing different games on the same stage. Pakistan seeks capital, legitimacy and partnership through CPEC 2.0, while India insists on principle, sovereignty and caution in security. China, meanwhile, ensures that both arguments must be conducted in an arena it increasingly dominates.
The outcome of this contest will not be decided by summit speeches alone. For Pakistan, success depends on whether external pledges translate into functioning industrial zones, better-managed power systems and skills development. For India, it rests on whether its alternative corridors move from blueprint to functioning trade arteries.
The lesson for Pakistan is to welcome new finance but remain vigilant about the conditions, even when they are not spelt out as explicitly as those in IMF programmes.
Only when external support is tied to internal reform has Pakistan seen sustainable growth. The lesson for India is that repeating its red lines is insufficient; it must prove through real infrastructure and trade that its model of connectivity is more viable than Beijing’s.
Both will have to do more than talk if they are to convert summit presence into a durable advantage. The SCO may not rival BRICS or replace Western financial institutions, but it has outgrown its reputation as a mere photo-op. It is becoming a forum where resources, politics, and strategy intersect just enough to shape outcomes.
Pakistan left Beijing with promises of money and the aura of partnership. India is left with a reiteration of principles that guard its red lines but do not shape the bloc’s trajectory.
In the shifting geometry of Eurasia, one neighbour appears to have gained a little room to manoeuvre, the other a reminder of its constraints. Both, however, still determine their altitude through the work they do at home.
Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed in this piece are the writer’s own and don’t necessarily reflect Geo.tv’s editorial policy.
The writer holds a PhD from the University of Birmingham, UK. He posts @NaazirMahmood and can be reached at:[email protected]
Originally published in The News
Entertainment
Blake Lively emails Ben Affleck complaining about Justin Baldoni
Blake Lively privately reached out to Ben Affleck in 2024 to voice serious concerns about her experience working with Justin Baldoni, newly unsealed court documents reveal, shedding fresh light on the escalating legal battle surrounding It Ends With Us.
The email, along with text messages involving Taylor Swift and deposition statements from Jenny Slate and Isabela Ferrer, is now part of the growing paper trail tied to Lively’s lawsuit.
According to the documents, Lively emailed Affleck on May 17, 2024, describing what she called one of the worst experiences of her career.
She made it clear the message came with “zero pressure,” but explained she was seeking feedback on her own edit of the film after what she characterised as months of turmoil behind the scenes.
“I’ve just come out the other side (well almost) of the most upsetting experience I’ve ever had on a movie,” she wrote, adding that the story behind the production was more dramatic than the film itself.
In the same message, Lively claimed she rewrote and restructured the entire script and effectively directed the movie through what she referred to as a “chaotic clown ‘director’/actor/producer/financier/studio head at the center,” stressing it was “all the same person.”
She went on to allege serious internal issues, including “wild HR issues and beyond,” and described being placed in a last-minute editing “bake off” after Baldoni had been working on his version for months.
Lively asked Affleck if he would be willing to watch the film and offer notes, even welcoming feedback from his family while flagging the movie’s domestic violence themes.
Emphasising how much the project had cost her emotionally, she wrote, “This movie nearly killed me,” adding that she could think of few people whose insight she trusted more.
She also mentioned that Ryan Reynolds had asked Matt Damon to watch the film, jokingly marveling at the idea of “Jason Bourne” seeing her work, while expressing gratitude for what she called “good men showing up.”
The email surfaced amid Lively’s broader legal claims filed in December 2024, in which she accused Baldoni of sexual harassment and a coordinated effort to damage her reputation.
Baldoni has denied the allegations, with his legal team calling them false, and his countersuit was dismissed earlier this year.
The newly released documents offer a deeper look at how isolated and overwhelmed Lively says she felt as the conflict unfolded behind closed doors.
Entertainment
Zendaya set to rule 2026 with ‘Euphoria,’ ‘Spider-Man,’ ‘Dune 3’
Zendaya might dominate this year with an impressive slate of blockbuster projects on the horizon.
The 29-year-old American actress and singer is heading into a packed 2026 that could define the biggest year of her career yet with the release of Euphoria Season 3, her fourth Spider-Man film and Dune: Part Three.
The Golden Globe Award winner will make her long-awaited return as Rue Bennett in the upcoming final season of HBO’s hit series Euphoria.
It is pertinent to note that the show’s full-length official trailer racked up a record-breaking 100 million views in just 48 hours since its release on January 14.
The sky-high response has fans speculating about just how massive viewership will be once the full season begins streaming.
Euphoria Season 3 release date
Euphoria Season 3 is scheduled to premiere on April 12, with several major changes.
The story will feature a five-year time jump, moving the characters beyond high school and into early adulthood.
In addition to Sydney Sweeney and Jacob Elordi’s return, the new season also boasts an expanded cast of high-profile guest stars, including Sharon Stone, Rosalía, Natasha Lyonne, and Eli Roth.
Spider-Man: Brand New Day release date
Zendaya has reportedly wrapped filming on Spider-Man: Brand New Day, which is set to hit theaters on July 31, 2026.
The film marks her fourth appearance in the Marvel franchise alongside her fiancé Tom Holland, following Spider-Man: Homecoming (2017), Far From Home (2019), and No Way Home (2021).
Dune: Part Three release date
Closing out the year, Zendaya will return to the sands of Arrakis in Dune 3, expected to release in December 2026.
The film serves as the final installment in Denis Villeneuve’s trilogy and adapts Frank Herbert’s Dune Messiah, exploring the darker consequences of Paul Atreides’ rise to power.
The cast includes returning stars Timothée Chalamet and Zendaya, among others.
With leading roles across some of the biggest franchises in entertainment, Zendaya’s 2026 lineup positions her for a comeback and a career peak.
Entertainment
Prince Harry says U.K. tabloid court battle is “not just about me”
Prince Harry struck a combative tone as he testified Wednesday in his lawsuit against the publisher of the Daily Mail and insisted that his latest legal battle with Associated Newspaper Ltd. was “in the public interest.”
Harry and six other prominent figures, including Elton John and actor Elizabeth Hurley, allege that the publisher invaded their privacy by engaging in a “clear, systematic and sustained use of unlawful information gathering” for two decades, attorney David Sherborne said. The celebrities allege that the company illegally spied on them by hiring private investigators to hack their phones, bug their cars and access private records. Testimony from several private investigators, who have said they worked on behalf of Associated Newspapers, is set to be used in the trial.
Associated Newspapers Ltd. has denied the allegations, called them preposterous and said the roughly 50 articles in question were reported with legitimate sources that included close associates willing to inform on their famous friends.
Harry said in his 23-page witness statement that he was distressed and disturbed by the intrusion into his early life by the Mail and its sister publication the Mail on Sunday, and that it made him “paranoid beyond belief.” Harry also alleged that the lives of “thousands of people” were “invaded” by Associated “because of greed.”
“There is obviously a personal element to bringing this claim, motivated by truth, justice and accountability, but it is not just about me,” Harry said in a written statement unveiled as he entered the witness box. Under the English civil court system, witnesses present written testimony, and after asserting that it’s the truth are immediately put under cross examination. “I am determined to hold Associated accountable, for everyone’s sake … I believe it is in the public interest.”
Kirsty Wigglesworth / AP
A heated cross examination
Harry, dressed in a dark suit, held a small Bible in his right hand in London’s High Court and swore to “almighty God that the evidence I shall give will be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth.” After the Duke of Sussex said he preferred to be called Prince Harry, he acknowledged that his 23-page statement was authentic and accurate.
Defense lawyer Antony White, in a calm and gentle tone, began to put questions to Harry to determine if the sourcing of the articles, in fact, had come from royal correspondents working their sources at official events or from friends or associates of the prince. Harry said that his “social circles were not leaky” and disputed suggestions that he had been cozy with journalists who covered the royal family.
Harry suggested that information had come from eavesdropping on his phone calls or having private investigators snoop on him. He said journalist Katie Nicholl had the luxury to use the term “unidentified source” deceptively to hide unlawful measures of investigation.
“If you complain, they double down on you in my experience,” he said in explaining why he had not objected to the articles at the time.
As a soft-spoken Harry became increasingly defensive, White said: “I am intent on you not having a bad experience with me, but it is my job to ask you these questions.”
Eventually, Justice Matthew Nicklin intervened in the tense back-and-forth and told Harry not to argue with the defense lawyer as he tried to explain what it’s like living under what he called “24-hour surveillance.” Nicklin also reminded Harry that he does not “have to bear the burden of arguing the case today.”
At another point in his cross examination, Harry appeared close to tears as he said tabloids had made his wife Meghan’s life “an absolute misery.” Harry has previously said persistent press attacks led to the couple’s decision to leave royal life and move to the U.S. in 2020.
Harry’s media crusade
For decades, Harry has had what he called an “uneasy” relationship with the media, but kept mum and followed the family protocol of “never complain, never explain,” he said.
The litigation is part of Harry’s self-proclaimed mission to reform the media that he blames for the death of his mother, Princess Diana, who was killed in a car crash in 1997 while being pursued by paparazzi in Paris.
He said “vicious persistent attacks,” harassment and event racists articles about Meghan, who is biracial, had inspired him to break from family tradition to finally sue the press.
It is Harry’s second time testifying after he bucked House of Windsor tradition and became the first senior royal to testify in a court in well over a century when he took the stand in a similar, successful lawsuit against the publisher of the Daily Mirror in 2023.
Last year, on the eve of another scheduled trial, Rupert Murdoch’s U.K. tabloid publisher NGN agreed to pay Harry “substantial damages” for privacy breaches, including phone hacking.
This trial is expected to last nine weeks and a written verdict could comes months later.
“If Harry wins this case, it will give him a feeling … that he wasn’t being paranoid all the time,” Royah Nikkhah, royal editor for The Sunday Times and a CBS News contributor, told CBS News on Monday. “If Harry loses this case, it’s huge jeopardy for him, not just in terms of cost, but in terms of pushing all the way to trial and not seeking to settle. So we have to wait and see, but it’s high stakes for Harry.”
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