Sports
Supreme Court transgender athlete cases FAQ: What to expect
The U.S. Supreme Court will hear oral arguments in two cases pertaining to transgender athletes on Tuesday: Little v. Hecox and West Virginia v. B.P.J. The cases bring the national debate over whether transgender girls and women should be eligible to compete in girls’ and women’s sports to the country’s highest court.
Little v. Hecox is a dispute over the first state law, Idaho’s HB 500, that barred transgender girls and women from girls’ and women’s school and college sports. Gov. Brad Little signed the bill into law in March 2020, and Lindsay Hecox, a transgender woman, challenged it weeks later because she wanted to try out for Boise State’s women’s track and cross country teams. A U.S. district court in Idaho granted Hecox an injunction, and she tried out for the Broncos’ cross country team, but she did not make it. Hecox instead participated in women’s club soccer and running, which are also affected by HB 500. After a series of appeals by the state, the Supreme Court agreed last July to hear the case. Hecox’s attorneys argue, in part, that the Idaho law violates the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.
Similarly, West Virginia v. B.P.J. puts West Virginia’s HB 3293, one of 27 state laws that restrict transgender girls and women from sports, in front of the Supreme Court. Becky Pepper-Jackson, a 15-year-old transgender girl, was entering middle school when the law passed in April 2021. Pepper-Jackson wanted to compete on her school’s sports teams, but her school principal told the family the state law prevented her participation. Pepper-Jackson and her family challenged West Virginia’s law the summer before she began middle school, and she has since been allowed to participate in cross country and track and field. Pepper-Jackson’s attorneys argue, in part, that her right to compete on the girls’ teams is guaranteed by Title IX because her gender identity matches the category and she has undergone an estrogen-driven puberty. West Virginia argues, in part, that her participation on girls’ teams violates Title IX because her birth sex is not female. Last July, the Supreme Court agreed to hear the case.
The athletes will not testify during Tuesday’s oral arguments. Their lawyers will present their cases to the court on their behalf. Likewise, attorneys for Little and West Virginia will represent their side of the debate.
Here’s what you need to know about the cases before the Supreme Court hears oral arguments.
What’s at stake?
In simple terms: The future of transgender girls and women in girls’ and women’s sports.
Since Idaho passed HB 500, 26 other states have passed laws restricting access to girls’ and women’s sports for transgender students in schools and universities that receive public funds. In the past few years, a number of international federations have enacted similarly restrictive policies: World Aquatics (swimming, diving and water polo) allows only transgender women who never experienced testosterone-driven puberty to compete in the women’s category at elite events such as the world championships, and World Athletics (track and field and road running) bans all transgender women in the women’s category.
In the United States, President Donald Trump signed an executive order on Feb. 5, 2025, that said schools and states that allow transgender girls and women to participate in girls’ and women’s school sports are in violation of Title IX and risk federal funding. That led the NCAA to change its policy to align with the executive order. Additionally, United States Olympic and Paralympic Committee CEO Sarah Hirshland and president and chair Gene Sykes directed national governing bodies to update their transgender policies to “comply with federal expectations.” Many organizations under the USOPC have implemented new policies, and some impact youth sports opportunities.
When and how did the legal landscape change regarding transgender athlete participation?
Idaho state legislator Barbara Ehardt said she was inspired to write HB 500 after two transgender athletes won high school track and field state titles in Connecticut in 2018.
“It’s not just a bill that I sponsored, the entire idea was mine, and that’s why it took two years to finally come to pass,” Ehardt said. “And then each year to see so many states take it up and pass it … it has been a unique experience, and it’s been an incredibly gratifying one.”
Since HB 500 was signed into law in 2020, the debate over transgender participation made national news after former Penn student-athlete Lia Thomas, a transgender woman, won an NCAA Division I swimming national championship in 2022. The issue returned to the headlines after Blaire Fleming, also a transgender woman, played on San Jose State’s women’s volleyball team. Multiple teams in the Mountain West Conference chose to forfeit rather than play against SJSU in 2024, and SJSU captain Brooke Slusser joined a lawsuit against the NCAA, arguing that Fleming’s participation on the SJSU volleyball team posed a safety risk and violated Title IX.
What do the Idaho and West Virginia laws say about sports participation for transgender students?
Idaho’s HB 500 and West Virginia’s HB 3293 are not identical, but they do similar things. Both laws identify “interscholastic, intercollegiate, intramural, or club athletic teams” as the range of activities to which the restrictions for transgender athletes apply. Both laws establish three categories for sports: female, male and co-ed, and both laws restrict access to the female category by closing it to students defined as male. HB 3293 (West Virginia) defines biological sex as determined by an “individual’s reproductive biology and genetics at birth.” HB 500 (Idaho) does not formally define biological sex but says in the case of a dispute, a student can establish biological sex through physical exam and statement from their healthcare provider that bases their findings on at least one of these factors: “the student’s reproductive anatomy, genetic makeup, or normal endogenously produced testosterone levels.”
Why is the Supreme Court hearing two cases?
It’s not uncommon for the court to hear multiple cases that present similar, if not the same, legal questions, especially on a controversial or large issue.
“There are many other examples of when a big issue is up at the court, they will take two cases,” said ACLU senior counsel Joshua Block, who will present oral arguments for B.P.J. at the Supreme Court. “Another reason to do that is if they’re worried about a jurisdictional problem coming up in one of the cases that they have another one to go to.”
One possible issue that could arise on Tuesday is that Hecox asked the Supreme Court not to decide her case at all. She is no longer participating in sports in Idaho and therefore contends her case is “moot.” Idaho contends the case is not moot because the state and Boise State University still have an interest in enforcing HB 500.
Which federal laws and constitutional questions will be in play?
The primary questions are about Title IX and the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment to the Constitution.
What is Title IX and how does it apply to transgender people?
Title IX was passed by Congress in 1972 and bars sex-based discrimination in schools receiving federal funds, including in school-sponsored programs and activities. It is largely credited with creating and expanding girls’ and women’s sports programs, but it applies to schools broadly. The law is 37 words, but in 1975, Congress approved regulations for Title IX’s application. Enforcement power belongs to the Department of Education.
Title IX does not say anything about transgender students or transgender athletes. But in May 2016, the Obama administration issued guidance stating Title IX applied to transgender students and that to be compliant with the law, transgender students should be allowed to access bathrooms, locker rooms and sports teams in accordance with their gender identities. This guidance never fully went into effect because multiple state governments sued the Obama administration. The first Trump administration rescinded that guidance, and then the Biden administration moved to expand transgender students’ rights, but the policy got tied up in court. The second Trump administration has issued multiple executive orders that roll back governmental recognition of transgender people in sports and beyond.
The Supreme Court has not ruled on the question of how Title IX applies to transgender students. But in June of 2021, the court declined to hear the case of Gavin Grimm, a transgender boy and student at Gloucester High School in Virginia. Grimm sued his school system because he was not allowed to continue to use the boys’ bathroom after school officials originally allowed him to do so. The Fourth Circuit, the same circuit that heard Pepper-Jackson’s case, ruled in Grimm’s favor twice. In declining to hear the case, the Supreme Court allowed the Fourth Circuit’s ruling to stand.
B.P.J. also argues that Title IX protects transgender students, though the case focuses on sports and not bathrooms. B.P.J. argues that West Virginia’s law violates Title IX because the law is a categorical ban that unfairly prohibits transgender girls and women who don’t have the physiological advantages associated with testosterone-driven puberty to be eligible for girls’ and women’s sports.
West Virginia counters with the argument that Title IX was enacted to provide equal opportunities and ensure fair competition for girls and women, as determined by birth sex, and gender identity should have nothing to do with it.
What is the equal protection clause and how does it apply to transgender people?
The equal protection clause — part of the 14th Amendment of the Constitution, ratified in 1868 — prohibits states from creating laws that violate the “privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States” and also cannot deny someone the “equal protection of the laws.”
Hecox argues that HB 500 violates the equal protection clause because the Idaho law rests “on overbroad generalizations about the sexes.”
Idaho rejects that argument. “Nothing in the Equal Protection Clause requires Idaho to treat males who identify as women as if they were female, in sports or elsewhere,” the state argues.
Additionally, Hecox argues that the Supreme Court needs to apply heightened scrutiny to HB 500 because it discriminates against a group of people. Heightened scrutiny requires states to prove that the government has a “substantial and clearly related interest” in creating a law that discriminates. Heightened scrutiny is a higher bar for states to clear.
Idaho argues against heightened scrutiny because “a sex classification does not become a transgender-status classification simply by failing to make exceptions based on gender identity.”
The Supreme Court recently rejected heightened scrutiny in a different case involving transgender youth. The court allowed a Tennessee law barring access to gender-affirming care for minors to stand in its June 2025 ruling in United States v. Skrmetti. In that case, the court rejected the argument that the law should be subjected to heightened scrutiny, ruling that it did not “classify on any bases that warrant heightened review.” Although those challenging laws barring access to gender-affirming care for minors argued that they discriminated against transgender people, the Supreme Court held that the laws regulated age and medical purpose, and therefore did not require heightened scrutiny. The impact of the decision was the court sidestepped one of the central tensions in both Little v. Hecox and West Virginia v. B.P.J.: Is transgender identity a classification protected by the equal protection clause?
What cases provide context and insight into how the Supreme Court will consider the arguments?
Bostock v. Clayton County, Georgia (2020) is frequently cited in the transgender athlete debate. In that case, the court ruled, in a 6-3 vote, that employers who fire employees for being gay or bisexual or transgender violate Title VII — part of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that applies to employment discrimination — because doing so constitutes sex-based discrimination. That ruling generated questions about protections for LGBTQ+ individuals under Title IX.
Justice Neil Gorsuch addressed those concerns in the majority opinion. “The employers worry that our decision will sweep beyond Title VII to other federal or state laws that prohibit sex discrimination,” Gorsuch wrote. “But none of these other laws are before us; we have not had the benefit of adversarial testing about the meaning of their terms, and we do not prejudge any such question today.”
In other words, the Bostock ruling does not automatically apply to Title IX, even though both laws bar sex-based discrimination.
But in his dissent, Justice Samuel Alito specifically pointed to transgender athletes as a concern. “The effect of the Court’s reasoning may be to force young women to compete against students who have a very significant biological advantage,” Alito wrote, “including students who have the size and strength of a male but identify as female and students who are taking male hormones in order to transition from female to male.”
Since Bostock, the composition of the court has changed, and it’s unclear how relevant that vote will be to these proceedings. Skrmetti, which was a 6-3 decision by the current justices, allowed a gender-affirming health care ban for minors to stand.
Do the cases apply beyond sports?
Both proponents and opponents of restrictions on transgender women and girls in sports see the legislation as a gateway to legislation and policy affecting transgender people in other areas of life.
Ehardt, who sponsored Idaho’s HB 500, also was the floor sponsor for a bill during Idaho’s 2025 legislative session that limits access to single-sex facilities such as bathrooms, locker rooms, prisons and residence halls at public universities to those who are assigned that sex at birth. Gov. Little signed Ehardt’s bill into law on April 1.
“I also knew, and said so at the time, that it would be the sports issue that would open it up for all the other issues,” Ehardt said.
The American Civil Liberties Union, which represents both Hecox and Pepper-Jackson, sees that connection as well. The organization has been involved in multiple legal challenges to laws affecting transgender athletes and young people.
“Idaho wants to use this case as a jumping-off point for establishing a really broad principle that the government can discriminate against transgender people in all contexts,” Block said. “And that it should be treated as presumptively constitutional.”
How can the public follow the Supreme Court arguments?
Supreme Court arguments are not streamed or broadcast on TV. The Supreme Court website provides live audio starting at 10 a.m. ET and releases transcripts at the end of the day. The court will hear Little v. Hecox in the morning session. West Virginia v. B.P.J. is scheduled to begin at 1 p.m. ESPN will provide live updates from inside and outside the Supreme Court throughout the day,
What happens next?
After the cases are argued, the court will deliberate and publish an opinion, or opinions. The possible outcomes range from procedural dismissals, to narrow rulings, to landscape-altering orders. The decision’s timing is unknown. Opinions are generally published during non-argument sessions. According to the Supreme Court’s public calendar, the first non-argument session after oral arguments will be Feb. 20. There is one non-argument session in March, another in April, three in May and four in June. This is subject to change as the term continues, and more opinion days could be added.
Sports
Alonso wasn’t perfect, but sacking him ignores Madrid’s real problems
So, Xabi Alonso becomes the tenth permanent Real Madrid manager of Florentino Pérez’s 21-plus-year presidential reign to be sacked without even completing a year in charge.
Just when the 44-year-old Madrid playing legend seemed to have calmed the stormy waters that had threatened to overwhelm him since autumn, the biggest sin in the entire dictionary of Must Not Commit for Bernabéu managers, losing to Barcelona when a trophy is at stake, has cost him his job. Those around Alonso — who leaves with Madrid only four points off the top of LaLiga, safely in the UEFA Champions League top eight and with a nervy Copa del Rey tie at Albacete on Wednesday — will look back at the final moments of Sunday’s Supercopa final and think about Álvaro Carreras and Raúl Asencio, who each had point-blank chances to score and take the final to penalties.
Alonso, in retrospect, stands condemned, at least in the eyes of Pérez — the only person whose opinion matters when a coach’s fate is concerned — of several offenses.
First: The damage done to Alonso’s public reputation and club credibility when, on substituting Vinícius Júnior in the victorious Clásico last October, the Brazil international erupted in anger while showing disrespect for his manager. Even in victory, the player’s actions hogged the headlines because he screamed into the night air, “This is why I’m going to leave this team. This is why I’m leaving!”
Pérez wants Vinícius to renew his contract, at all costs. So although Alonso palpably repaired much of the damage with his 24-year-old star, and on Sunday helped him produce his best goal and best performance since Carlo Ancelotti left, it’s now clear that irreparable damage was done to Pérez’s view of his coach.
Second: Losing to Barcelona in a big final remains, it seems, a capital offense. Just as a reminder, it has been about five weeks since I wrote in this very space, “If the 44-year-old coach, who won all there is to win in his playing career and then made history by making Bayer Leverkusen Bundesliga champions for the first time, can beat Atlético Madrid in the Supercopa semifinal and either Barcelona or Athletic Club in the final, then he’ll finally be left alone to do his job until the end of the season. But to come home without a trophy? Alonso will almost certainly be sacked.”
Third: When Madrid played anodyne, point-dropping football against Rayo Vallecano, Elche and Girona, and then lost consecutively at home to Manchester City and Celta Vigo, there was a massive manhunt mounted, by the club and by the media, to find someone to blame. Correctly or not, and I think the answer is firmly “not,” it has been the coach — rather than the president or the players — who has been found guilty.
Fourth: Alonso, it must be said, hasn’t “played the game.” Managing upward is an increasingly key skill when you’re coaching at a big club — that’s true anywhere in the world, but particularly when your direct boss is the unaccountable Pérez.
Throughout his life, either as the son of the excellent player Periko Alonso; or while coming through the ranks at Real Sociedad; playing brilliantly for Liverpool, Madrid, Bayern Munich and Spain; or making history by taking Bayer Leverkusen to their best-ever trophy season; Xabi Alonso has been the man. Venerated, respected, ultra talented, backed, fêted, desired, rewarded and awarded deity status. Don’t take my word for it, just think how he’s regarded by Spain (European and world champion), at Liverpool (hero of the greatest match in their entire history), local boy made good at Real Sociedad, José Mourinho’s lieutenant at Madrid and Pep Guardiola’s chosen linchpin while winning trophy after trophy at Bayern. He simply didn’t need to kowtow to anyone. Ever.
It’s different at Madrid and, so, when his friend and mentor, Guardiola, used a vulgar expression in support of Alonso before City won at the Bernabéu in December, it went down very badly indeed when Alonso’s postmatch response, teased out by a journalist, seemed to be sympathetic to what City’s Catalan coach was suggesting about Alonso’s relationship with Pérez.
Until very recently, Alonso, never rude, was standoffish and cool with the assembled, hard-nosed, some would say Pérez-aligned media who turned up to news conferences six times a week at the Madrid training ground. He changed his stance when he knew he was fighting for his continued employment: He began to expand on answers, share a joke, become a bit more touchy-feely, and it was working. But he played that game a little too late.
It was extremely telling when Alonso suggested to his players on Sunday in Jeddah that they form a guard of honor for Barcelona’s victorious players (as Hansi Flick’s men had done for them while they walked up to get their losers’ medals), but Kylian Mbappé usurped him and fiercely gestured to the squad that he, not Alonso, had the final word and that no way would they be forming two lines and letting the Supercopa winners feel honored. Very, very damaging imagery.
What’s a little bit shocking is that the Spanish football media, having set the table for an Alonso sacking over and over again in November and December, were utterly caught by surprise. Even playing pretty moderately, in victory against Sevilla, Real Betis and Atlético, Madrid’s players were clearly pulling for their coach, they were building results — admittedly from a low base — and they were looking very like steering Los Blancos into the extremely valuable top eight of the Champions League with two winnable matches in their sights this month. Marca’s headlines this morning included “Xabi revives the Mourinho style” and “What a miss from Carreras in the 95th minute.” No blame thrown at the coach. Their famous columnist, Alfredo Relaño, stated, “Xabi Alonso lost the final but saved his situation.” The much more hawkish, Pérez-oriented Diario AS used “Only Raphinha was better than Madrid” as their match headline, and the self-confessed ultra-Madridista columnist Tomás Roncero’s column read “Nothing to reproach you over.”
One of the biggest signs, in my opinion, as to the general mood of this singular, polemic, but highly successful, billionaire president, and something that Alonso could have paid more attention to, is the name of the stadium.
For the longest time, it’s been called the Santiago Bernabéu in honor of the man previously regarded as the greatest leader in Real Madrid’s history. More and more, and often in formal terms, it’s being called “the Bernabéu” — a change that, in my view, will preface a gradual, strategic and corporate-driven moving of Pérez toward the top of the podium of all-time presidents. This 78-year-old has, gradually but consistently, aimed at moving beyond his “Primus inter pares” (“first among equals”) status to be regarded as the all-time greatest. His costly and, so far, not wholly successful redevelopment of the stadium was supposed to be the jewel in the crown but, for a host of reasons, hasn’t hit home with the power he expected it to. I think, a couple of months away from his 79th birthday, he feels that time is flying, and he has none to waste.
He needs, desires, more league wins, more Champions Leagues, fewer sights of Barcelona lifting trophies, less whistling and jeering when Madrid play at their imperious HQ. He craves the formation of a European Super League. Right now, he’s being thwarted in too many of those desires.
Those previous nine coaches he sacked only a few months into their reigns usually, it must be pointed out, made way for more successful, more glorious periods for the club as European and domestic trophies were stacked up and the best players actively chose to move to Real Madrid. This fact is incontestable.
President Pérez, in my opinion, has blamed the wrong man, has ignored the real problems and, now that he has passed the baton to Álvaro Arbeloa, he has perpetuated the real flaws rather than cured them in sacking Alonso. But he won’t care about that opinion and, in the past, his irresistible force has defeated any apparently immovable object. This time? I’m unconvinced.
Bad luck, Xabi. You only partially contributed to this situation. But, as you always said yourself, Real Madrid is different. Real Madrid is unique. Good luck with what comes next.
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Alonso out at Madrid, Arbeloa to manage club
Xabi Alonso has left his job as Real Madrid coach “by mutual consent,” the club announced on Monday.
The news comes a day after Alonso’s Madrid were beaten 3-2 by Barcelona in the Supercopa de España final in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.
Alonso has been replaced by Álvaro Arbeloa, who had been coach of Madrid’s reserve team, Castilla.
Alonso came under pressure before Christmas after a difficult run of just two wins in eight games, including defeats to Liverpool, Celta Vigo and Manchester City, but the team’s form had improved since, with five victories before Sunday’s Clásico loss.
“Real Madrid C.F. announces that, by mutual agreement between the club and Xabi Alonso, it has been decided to end his tenure as first-team coach,” the club said in a brief statement on Monday.
“Xabi Alonso will always have the affection and admiration of all Madrid fans, because he is a Real Madrid legend and has always represented the values of our club. Real Madrid will always be his home.
“Our club thanks Xabi Alonso and his entire coaching staff for their work and dedication during this time, and wishes them the best of luck in this new chapter of their lives.”
Alonso took over from predecessor Carlo Ancelotti this past summer after impressing at Bayer Leverkusen, where he led the side to the Bundesliga title for the first time in its history in 2024.
Alonso played for Madrid between 2009 and 2014, winning one Champions League, one LaLiga title and two Copas del Rey.
He began his tenure as Madrid coach with a run to the semifinals in this past summer’s Club World Cup, where they were beaten 4-0 by Paris Saint-Germain.
In 2025-26, the team began the season with 13 wins in 14 games in all competitions — including beating Barcelona 2-1 in the first Clásico of the season — before November’s poor run of results.
Arbeloa, 42, began his career as a player at Madrid before a spell at Liverpool, where he played alongside Alonso. The defender returned to Madrid in 2009 and spent seven seasons at the club before returning to coach with the academy in 2020.
Arbeloa also helped Spain win the 2010 World Cup and the 2008 and 2012 European Championships.
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