As The Pitt marks it return to the TV screens, fans are in to witness their favourite doctors work through hectic hospital shifts following July 4 celebrations.

HBO Max medical drama premiered January 8, 2026, a year after the freshman season aired.

The series which quickly gained critical recognition will have 15 episodes in the new season too, just like the previous one.

The previous season earned multiple Emmy accolades including Outstanding Lead Actor in a Drama Series for Wyle, and Outstanding Drama Series.

The brand-new season is back with emergencies due to ‘fireworks, alcohol-related accidents, bad judgements, celebrations gone awry’ as Wyle hinted to Entertainment Weekly in December 2025.

Ahead of season 2’s first episode aired, announcement came for the next installment of the award-winning drama.

HBO CEO Casey Bloys broke the news during the premiere in Los Angeles, January 7.

The Pitt season 2 release schedule:

Here’s what you need to know about the schedule of the season

In total, there will be 15 episodes with each episode featuring an hour of a 15-hour workday at the hospital.

Every week new episode will air till the finale on April 16.

Jan. 8: Episode 1

Jan. 15: Episode 2

Jan. 22: Episode 3

Jan. 29: Episode 4

Feb. 5: Episode 5

Feb. 12: Episode 6

Feb. 19: Episode 7

Feb. 26: Episode 8

Mar. 5: Episode 9

Mar. 12: Episode 10

Mar. 19: Episode 11

Mar. 26: Episode 12

Apr. 2: Episode 13

Apr. 9: Episode 14

Apr. 16: Episode 15

Fans can stream the episodes on HBO Max where all the 15 episodes of the previous season are also available.

The recent US action in Venezuela, in which President Nicolas Maduro was abducted to the US to face criminal charges, has triggered a dramatic rupture not only in Western Hemisphere geopolitics but also in the assumptions that have underpinned global sovereign lending for decades.

In Washington, the action was cast as a criminal law enforcement action; in Beijing and much of the Global South, it has been seen as an illegal overreach and a weaponisation of US power.

China’s reaction has been especially significant: rather than threatening military escalation, Beijing has framed its response in legal and diplomatic terms, signalling an aggressive defence of contracts, sovereign debt instruments and investment treaties. In doing so, China is asserting that the future of geopolitical competition may be defined as much by law firms and arbitral tribunals as by aircraft carriers.

To understand why this matters, it is necessary to situate the current standoff within the broader context of Chinese overseas lending and the legal frameworks on which it relies. Over the last two decades, China has become the largest lender to developing countries, largely through state policy banks and under the Belt and Road Initiative, which spans infrastructure, mining, energy and other strategic sectors across Asia, Africa, Latin America and beyond.

While authoritative global estimates vary, independent research has documented that Chinese sovereign lending totals well into the hundreds of billions and, by some accounts, over $1 trillion across more than 100 countries. This debt is structured through bilateral agreements, commercial contracts, and in some cases, formal bilateral investment treaties (BITs).

Underlying these arrangements is a foundational legal assumption: when a sovereign borrows money or grants concessions for projects, be it for a railway in Africa, a port in Southeast Asia or energy infrastructure in Latin America, successor governments will honour the obligations undertaken by their predecessors.

This assumption is not merely a matter of bookkeeping; it is a cornerstone of modern sovereign lending and investment. Creditors price risk, investors commit capital, and contractors deploy resources based on the expectation that contracts and treaties will be respected through shifts in political power. International financial institutions, private creditors and commercial lawyers alike depend on this continuity. When that assumption breaks down, the entire edifice of cross-border investment is thrown into question.

That is why China’s response to the operation in Venezuela is so revealing. Rather than responding with threats of force, which would be widely understood as an escalation, Beijing’s public statements have emphasised the illegality of the US action under international law, principles of sovereignty and basic norms of state conduct.

China’s foreign ministry condemned the operation as a violation of the UN Charter and basic norms of international relations, and called on the US to respect Venezuela’s sovereignty, release its president and resolve disputes through negotiation and dialogue. These statements reflect a deliberate framing of the issue in legal terms.

Crucially, recent developments show that China and Venezuela had already been deepening their legal and economic ties. In late 2024, Venezuela ratified a bilateral investment treaty with China, establishing protections such as fair and equitable treatment, full protection and security and most-favoured-nation treatment for covered investments.

The treaty also prescribes mechanisms for resolving disputes, including by arbitration under specified international frameworks. Though China has not yet ratified the treaty, its existence illustrates a legal architecture that both parties have been building around their economic relationship.

This legal framework assumes a functioning sovereign Venezuelan government to which obligations can attach. What happens, though, when that sovereign is violently removed from office at the behest of a rival power and subjected to external legal processes unrelated to the underlying investments?

This is the scenario that motivates the more dramatic claim circulating in some analytical circles that China is prepared to wage “lawyer war” by invoking investment treaties, international arbitration, and global legal institutions to defend its interests and to impose legal costs on governments that fail to honour commitments to Chinese creditors. In other words, Chinese strategy may embrace law itself as a geopolitical instrument.

At first glance, this might sound hyperbolic: how could legal claims match the strategic weight of military force? The answer lies in the nature of China’s global exposure. Unlike traditional Western creditors whose sovereign bonds are often issued under New York or London law with clear enforcement mechanisms, China’s lending is far more diffuse, spread across jurisdictions with varying legal capacities and often backed by project revenues, commodity deliveries, or bilateral conventions.

The enforceability of these obligations has always been uncertain.

If those obligations were suddenly disavowed by successor governments, particularly those aligned with US policy preferences after regime change, the economic consequences for China’s creditors could be devastating. Defaults would accumulate, infrastructure deals would unravel, and Chinese capital would be at risk of losses on a scale that dwarfs any single bilateral dispute. Legal action is one lever to prevent that outcome.

Viewed through this lens, China’s emphasis on legal norms and international adjudication is not merely about Venezuela; it is about protecting the institutional underpinnings of its global lending model. Treaty protections, arbitral forums and bilateral investment agreements are mechanisms through which sovereign obligations can be enforced or at least negotiated when disputes arise.

If China can successfully bring claims against a post-Maduro Venezuelan government or secure recognition of its rights on the basis of existing treaties, it would establish a precedent affirming that sovereign debt and contracts cannot be rendered null by external intervention. That would reinforce the confidence of Chinese creditors and investors in the durability of their claims, mitigating the political risk that now seems existential.

This legal strategy also aligns with broader developments in China’s approach to dispute resolution. The country has been cultivating a network of domestic and international arbitration institutions capable of handling commercial and investment disputes involving Chinese parties.

From the China International Economic and Trade Arbitration Commission (CIETAC) to the China International Commercial Court (CICC) and related bodies, these institutions provide venues for resolving transnational disputes involving China. Although their global reach and acceptance are still evolving, they represent an expanding toolkit for legal statecraft under the Belt and Road Initiative.

Yet, there are limitations and countervailing forces worth acknowledging. International arbitration and investment treaty enforcement are highly contested domains. Western legal institutions, such as those found in The Hague or under the auspices of the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), have historically been viewed with scepticism in China and other emerging powers, leading to alternative arrangements and hybrid mechanisms.

Enforcement of arbitral awards against sovereign states often depends on reciprocal legal frameworks and political will, rather than simple juridical determination. In other words, securing a legal victory is one thing; implementing it is another. The political dimensions of this standoff cannot be separated from the legal arguments too.

China’s official posture of non-intervention and respect for sovereignty is itself a strategic narrative that resonates across much of the Global South, where memories of colonialism and unilateral interventionism remain potent.

By framing its challenge to American behaviour in terms of international law, China portrays itself as a defender of a rules-based world order, even as it simultaneously pursues a network of bilateral arrangements that serve its own strategic interests. This duality complicates Western efforts to paint China’s expanding influence solely in terms of debt dependency or coercive economics.

For the US, the focus has been on immediate security and criminal justice concerns related to narcotics trafficking and international law enforcement. But Washington’s actions, unprecedented in their direct seizure of a sitting head of state from foreign soil, challenge longstanding assumptions about sovereign conduct and invite pushback from countries that see their own investments and legal claims jeopardised. If American policy endorses the notion that external intervention can reset a country’s legal obligations, the implications for global sovereign contracts could be profound.

The narrative that China is “declaring war with lawyers” is more than a rhetorical flourish; it captures a deeper shift in the tools of global competition. Military power and traditional geopolitics matter, but so do legal norms, treaty rights and the enforceability of agreements that bind sovereign states to external obligations. China’s response to the Venezuela crisis illustrates how law has become an arena of strategic contestation, an arena where contracts, arbitration and investment protection may shape the calculus of power in the twenty-first century.

As geopolitical rivalry intensifies, the question of who writes the rules and who can enforce them will be at the heart of global order. And in that contest, legal strategy may indeed be one of the most consequential instruments of statecraft.

The writer is a trade facilitation expert, working with the federal government of Pakistan.

Disclaimer: The viewpoints expressed in this piece are the writer’s own and don’t necessarily reflect Geo.tv’s editorial policy.

Originally published in The News

Alan Cumming’s moment on the Hollywood Walk of Fame turned into an unexpected talking point when a very familiar face showed up to support him. 

As the Scottish actor received his star, fans quickly noticed that Monica Lewinsky was right there by his side, proudly backing him during the ceremony.

Cumming, 60, looked every bit the star in a bright turquoise suit jacket paired with matching shorts as he celebrated the milestone. 

But it was Lewinsky, 52, who surprised many by attending as one of his closest supporters. 

Dressed in a striking red pantsuit, she joined him on stage, shared a warm kiss with him in front of the crowd and delivered a heartfelt speech that made it clear their friendship runs deep.

While the pairing may have caught some fans off guard, Cumming has spoken openly about his bond with Lewinsky for years. 

Back in 2016, he explained just how important she is in his life during an appearance on Watch What Happens Live. 

“She is really one of the kindest, most loyal, loving, tender, funny girls I’ve ever known. I mean, I think she’s really one of my best friends,” he said at the time. “Yeah. And she’s been at my wedding. She knows my family.”

Cumming has previously shared that he met Lewinsky around 16 years ago at a Marie Claire party, and the two have remained close ever since.

While promoting his memoir Not My Father’s Son, he again praised her character, saying, “She’s absolutely one of the most loving, fun, clever, tender people.” 

He added, “The fact that she’s been able to remain such an amazing person with all that horrible bile that was heaped upon her as a young woman is testament to the person she is.”

Decades after Lewinsky became a household name due to her past with former US President Bill Clinton, her presence at Cumming’s ceremony highlighted a genuine friendship built away from headlines. 

On this day, the focus stayed firmly on loyalty, support and celebrating a career milestone together.