Business
The price of menstrual products is skyrocketing from inflation, tariffs
Always products are displayed on a shelf in a supermarket in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina October 29, 2024.
Dado Ruvic | Reuters
Rising inflation and ever-changing tariff policies have led to higher prices across store shelves over the past few years, squeezing consumers’ budgets.
An often overlooked example: menstrual products.
The average price of menstrual products, including sanitary pads and tampons, has risen nearly 40% since 2020, from roughly $5.37 per unit to $7.43 per unit, according to February data from Chicago-based market research firm Circana.
Dollar sales from menstrual products have grown by nearly 30% over that same period, according to Circana.
But at the same time, sales of menstrual products — which broadly includes pads, tampons, liners and more — have seen a roughly 6% decrease since 2022, falling incrementally each year, according to data from NielsenIQ.
The data analytics company noted that items across the store have seen average unit price increases, with the dollar volume of consumer packaged goods at large rising 2.7% year-to-date. Those price increases are in line with climbing inflation, with the latest consumer price index in February showing a 2.4% annual rise.
The latest CPI data found that inflation in personal care products in the U.S. has jumped dramatically, up 22.1% in February from January 2020.
But because menstrual products are a necessity for a large portion of the population, those costs may be hurting consumers.
“I do think that we’re at a point where consumers in general are having to choose whether they can buy food for their family, or buy prescriptions for their family. Some things that we do typically define as a necessity, people are finding alternatives for or going without,” said Sarah Broyd, a partner with consultancy firm Clarkston Consulting.
Broyd said the gap between higher prices and declining sales shows consumers may be searching for alternatives out of necessity.
Menstrual products haven’t just been hit by inflation, either. According to government data, the U.S. collected $115 million through tariffs on menstrual products containing cotton in 2025, compared with just $42 million in 2020.
The U.S. imported the majority of its menstrual products from Canada, China and Mexico in 2024, according to the World Bank. President Donald Trump has imposed tariffs on all three of those countries at varying levels over the past year.
Those added costs come on top of the so-called “pink tax,” where some states place a sales tax on menstrual products. According to 2025 data from Statista, Tennessee, Mississippi and Indiana have the highest sales tax on menstrual products at 7%. Products that are deemed “medical devices” are often excluded from sales taxes.
‘A subscription service to be a woman’
For 30-year-old Dafna Diamant, the rising price of menstrual products has become noticeable at the cash register and a drag on her monthly expenses.
The New York resident said she’s noticed her usual pack of roughly 18 tampons rise to somewhere around $25, especially over the past year.
“It’s crazy, and it just feels like as a woman, you have to pay sometimes $50 every couple months,” Diamant told CNBC. “And for some people, it takes a toll on the income.”
Diamant said she feels particularly frustrated because it’s not a monthly expense she can go without. She often buys store-brand period products at retailers like CVS and Walgreens, yet she said she’s still shocked by the sticker price.
“It still feels like a subscription service to be a woman,” Diamant told CNBC. “You have to pay every month to be fertile.”
Even larger companies have felt the effects. Procter & Gamble, the parent company of menstrual product brand Always, said in July that it was raising prices on 25% of its personal care and household products due to a $1 billion total annual tariff impact. It manufactures its Always products across facilities in Maine, Utah and Canada, according to the company.
P&G declined to comment for this story.
Kimberly-Clark, the maker of menstrual product brand Kotex, said on an earnings call in April that the company incurred a total of $300 million in gross costs from tariffs, with more than half of that related to tariffs on China. The company did not respond to CNBC’s requests for comment.
Broyd, the partner at Clarkston Consulting, said menstrual products have been hit with a “triple whammy” of rising raw material costs, inflation across energy and supply chains, and cross-border friction from tariffs.
“When you think about plastic and pulp and some of the main components of feminine care products, they’re largely probably coming from overseas and then getting hit with that much more of tariffs,” Broyd said.
She added that these tariffs are on top of already alleged higher levies on other women’s products, the subject of Congress’ Pink Tariffs Study Act introduced last year by Democrats to determine whether the U.S. tariff system is “regressive” or has a “gender bias.”
As prices continue to shoot up, Broyd said she believes companies will continue to reevaluate their portfolios and potentially sell off their feminine care segments to focus on businesses with higher margins. In November, Edgewell Personal Care sold its feminine care business to a company in Sweden for $340 million.
“You’re seeing these more niche, more startup type brands that are popping up in stores. … That’s the biggest growth,” Broyd said. “People that have the ability to flex up and buy more organic or products that they trust, they’ll spend that price premium. But for other consumers that don’t have the discretionary income to do that, they’re going to trade down and go private label, or go without.”
The rise of reusables
Diamant said she and her friends are now trying period underwear instead of single-use products to streamline their expenses.
A growing number of people have been trying reusable period products, primarily because they’re environmentally friendly and cheaper.
Major manufacturers have often relied on brand loyalty for their products, which could take a hit if consumers turn to alternatives.
“If you’re in fem care, you’re going to be using Kotex for 40 years. If you’re in Depend, you’re going to be using Depend for 40 years, right?” Kimberly-Clark CEO Michael Hsu said on a November earnings call. “There is long-duration frequency. There’s a lot of expenditure for consumers, and so because of that, they want to have an ongoing relation with us.”
Saalt, a reusable period products company offering cups, discs and underwear, said it estimates that 16% to 20% of U.S. consumers have tried or used reusable menstrual products, consisting of mostly younger consumers.
“Affordability is huge,” CEO Cherie Hoeger told CNBC. “When you look at our product, a cup or disc can last 10 years, and our product is only in the $30 price range. … They’re able to save up to $1,800 on the lifespan of that cup or disc, and that’s on the low end.”
Saalt, which launched in 2018, hit revenues of eight figures in its third year of business, Hoeger said. The company declined to disclose details of its financials, but she said demand has grown year-over-year since it launched.
Among Generation Z, Hoeger said the top reason for switching to reusables is pricing.
“They usually have some affinity toward sustainability and climate change, but it’s never their number one,” Hoeger said.
The rise of reusables may be contributing to the declining sales of single-use period products over the past few years. It also coincides with recent studies indicating that tampons could contain lead or other harmful ingredients. The Food and Drug Administration investigated the presence of metals and determined there was no risk.
Riding that momentum, other companies like Knix, MeLuna, Flex and more have entered the reusables space and garnered growing market share as consumers search for alternatives.
“Affordability is the crux; it’s the root problem,” Hoeger said. “Without affordability for these period products, you have real economic consequences for women to happen.”
Business
Trump Might Welcome Chinese Investment, but America Is Wary
A hallmark of President Trump’s second term has been his penchant for negotiating economic deals with countries that pledge to invest trillions of dollars in the United States
“It’s now pouring in from all parts of the world,” Mr. Trump said during a speech last fall in which he boasted of nearly $20 trillion of foreign investment.
The meetings this week between Mr. Trump and China’s leader, Xi Jinping, in Beijing are expected to include talks over purchases of American farm products and planes and the possibility of expanding access for American companies into China’s vast consumer market.
There has also been speculation that Mr. Trump and his advisers are seeking a major investment from China. But such a pledge could be complicated by deep distrust in the United States toward Chinese firms, which many workers blame for the hollowing out of American manufacturing.
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent acknowledged the challenge in an interview on CNBC on Thursday, explaining that the United States and China were working to develop an investment board that would determine what sectors were acceptable for Chinese investment. That would essentially provide China with guidance on how to invest in the United States without its transactions being blocked by the Committee on Foreign Investment, an interagency group that reviews foreign investment and is led by Mr. Bessent.
“Look, there are plenty of things that the Chinese could invest in in the U.S.,” said Mr. Bessent, who is in Beijing with Mr. Trump.
Chinese investment in the United States has declined sharply in recent years amid tougher investment screening standards nationally and at the state level.
That sentiment could ultimately clash with Mr. Trump’s transactional instincts and his desire to return home with a big-ticket win.
“If Trump were to be committed to a major investment deal with China, there’s still a challenge of implementation,” said Kyle Jaros, an expert on U.S.-China ties at the University of Notre Dame. “It would take real follow-through to overcome a lot of the political and regulatory barriers that are in place right now.”
According to a report published last month by the research firm Rhodium Group, less than $3 billion of Chinese investment in the United States was announced in 2025. That was the lowest on record, with investment peaking at around $45 billion in 2016.
The United States has imposed tight restrictions on Chinese investment out of national security concerns, making it difficult for Chinese firms to build factories near military facilities. Some states also have enacted restrictions on Chinese purchases of real estate and farmland.
China’s clean energy technology, such as electric vehicles and batteries, has also faced challenges in the United States because of political backlash. There was a surge of Chinese investment in those sectors after clean energy and tax legislation was passed under the Biden administration in 2022, but according to Rhodium, more than half of those investments have been canceled, paused or delayed.
A $2.4 billion electric vehicle battery factory that the Chinese company Gotion was building in Michigan was canceled last year after the community there protested and mounted legal challenges to stop the project.
Other types of Chinese investment have also stirred controversy. That includes the recent purchase by Nongfu Spring, a Chinese bottled water company, of a warehouse in New Hampshire that it wants to turn into a bottling facility. The purchase was reviewed last year by the state’s attorney general.
After the inquiry found that there was no wrongdoing associated with the transaction, Gov. Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire issued executive orders to block China, Russia and Iran from getting access to data or purchasing land or property in the state. “Foreign adversaries like China should not be doing business in New Hampshire,” said Ms. Ayotte, a Republican.
There continues to be deep skepticism within the U.S. automobile industry about competition from China. Last month, a group of American steel associations sent a letter to top Trump administration officials urging them to keep Chinese car manufacturers out of the United States.
“As representatives of our nation’s manufacturing sector, we urge you to ensure American competitiveness by not surrendering access to the U.S. auto market to the Chinese Communist Party,” they wrote. “Additionally, allowing Chinese companies and Chinese autos into the U.S. would create consequential, unacceptable national security risks.”
Agriculture also remains a contentious issue. The chairman of the House select committee on China, Representative John Moolenaar, a Republican from Michigan, introduced new legislation this month that would ban China from acquiring U.S. farmland.
“Food security is national security, and we cannot allow foreign adversaries like China to buy up American farmland near our most sensitive military and critical infrastructure sites,” Mr. Moolenaar said.
The bipartisan bill would create a requirement for the federal government to review Chinese deals involving ports and telecommunications infrastructure. It would also apply to purchases made by investors from Russia, Iran and North Korea
Michael Pillsbury, a China scholar who has served as an outside adviser to the Trump administration, said that the president’s advisers were concerned about Chinese investments in sensitive sectors such as semiconductors, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, aerospace and critical minerals. It has been a challenge, he said, to come up with a “white list” of sectors that could be considered safe.
“The red lines have moved back and forth as the nature of technology has changed,” Mr. Pillsbury said.
He added that while Mr. Trump is eager to announce a $1 trillion Chinese investment pledge, he is mindful not to incite political backlash.
“I think there’s been an effort by the administration to avoid getting into a fight with the China hawks,” Mr. Pillsbury added.
Ahead of Mr. Trump’s trip to China, a White House official downplayed the idea that the administration was seeking to create a new $1 trillion Chinese investment program. The White House continues to be focused on pushing China to increase its purchases of American farm goods, which it boycotted for much of last year when trade tensions flared.
Despite the anticipation of a Chinese investment pledge, the details and follow-through will be important.
While Mr. Trump has said that foreign investments have topped $20 trillion, according to the White House’s own investment tracker, U.S. and foreign investment pledges made during Mr. Trump’s second term total $10.6 trillion. Foreign leaders appear to have learned that they can win favor with Mr. Trump by promising whopping investment pledges that they might not fulfill.
“The devil is in the details,” said Philip Ludvigson, a partner in King & Spalding who specializes in national security risks and foreign investment, “about not only where the investment goes but also whether it happens at all.”
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