Business
Energy, geopolitics and the green shift | The Express Tribune
China’s transition shows how clean energy can reshape geopolitics and reduce conflict risks
ISLAMABAD:
Energy is one of the basic ingredients of life, along with water and food. In modern life, energy has become indispensable, and the entire system relies on it. From everyday chores to communication, transportation, production, and technology, every sector depends on energy in one way or another.
In short, modern life cannot be imagined without it. The literature indicates that the critical importance of energy also makes it a tool for peace and conflict. Over time, it has gradually evolved into a means of geopolitical influence and control, particularly after Dr King Hubbert’s 1956 Peak Oil theory. He predicted that oil production in the United States would peak in the 1970s, and it did.
The US then aimed to prioritise Middle Eastern resources by building influence in the region and securing supply routes. In 1980, the Carter Doctrine was introduced, explicitly favouring aggressive containment of any interference in the Middle East to ensure energy security. It was also intended to control the flow of energy to weaken or dominate competitors or rivals.
Similarly, the USSR utilised its energy resources to gain dominance in Eastern Europe. These policies led to the emergence of the term “new energy cold war,” a phrase that became increasingly common with the start of the 21st century. The situation became even more complex with the weaponisation of nuclear energy by the US and West.
The US and West also use energy trade as a tool to influence energy-rich countries and end users. For example, Iran faces sanctions on its oil and gas exports. The US and European Union have also imposed sanctions on Russia’s oil and gas exports to win the war over Ukraine and to prevent shipments to China. The current conflict between Iran, the US and Israel, as well as the capture of Venezuela are also centred on energy, alongside other goals.
The recent statement by the Israeli PM about building a pipeline from the Gulf to Israel to supply energy to Europe further strengthens the argument. Moreover, the war also has a China containment angle. The US believes that choking off China’s oil supply (as 54% comes from the region) will have negative consequences for China’s society, energy, and industrial sectors. Moreover, by destabilising the Gulf region, they plan to undermine Chinese investment and trade there.
In this context, as fossil fuels become a source of conflict, the world is seeking alternatives that can sustain economic growth, maintain lifestyles, and promote lasting peace. Clean and renewable energy has emerged as a promising option, giving rise to the idea of a green transition.
Consequently, the green transition is expected to reduce geopolitical influence and warfare by shifting focus and reducing dependence on fossil fuels. It also offers a pathway to address climate change, which the United Nations Security Council recognised as a serious threat to global security in 2009. Many military agencies, including those of the US, EU, and UK, have also declared climate change a major security concern.
Despite this potential, there is ongoing debate about whether the green transition is achievable in the near future. Questions remain about whether global targets can be met when the US has opted out of the Paris Agreement at various points and several countries continue to resist commitments.
In this context, China has taken the lead by launching a comprehensive green transition initiative with clear objectives, structured programmes, and a defined path. It adopted a systematic approach, first identifying energy transition as the most critical factor, and then building a complete ecosystem around it.
China began by developing clean and renewable energy sources through numerous small- and large-scale projects. Notable examples include Xinjiang, where a 3.5 GW solar farm worth $2.3 billion benefits around three million households, and installations on the Tibetan Plateau spanning roughly 610 square kilometres – roughly the size of Chicago).
These efforts are yielding results. By 2025, China’s total installed power capacity reached 3,890 gigawatts, including around 1,200 gigawatts of solar, 640 gigawatts of wind, and approximately 1,500 gigawatts from coal. This marked the first time that solar and wind energy surpassed coal in Chinese history.
China is also promoting renewable energy consumption and renewable-based products such as electric vehicles. It has offered incentives including preferred credit, easier registration, and fee waivers. As a result, China became the largest producer of EVs, manufacturing 16.6 million units, and the largest exporter, shipping 3.4 million units in 2025.
This success is driven by strong political commitment and substantial investment. Data suggest that China invested nearly $2.1 trillion in clean energy-related sectors in 2025, comparable to the size of major global economies. Investment in clean energy alone exceeded $1 trillion. The sector contributed nearly one-third of China’s economic growth and accounted for 90% of total investment.
China has also established itself as the largest producer and exporter of clean technologies, accounting for over 80% of solar panel manufacturing, 70% of EV production, 72% of wind turbine manufacturing, and 75% of battery production. In addition, it continues to invest in nuclear and hydropower. This diversified and robust clean energy base has enhanced China’s resilience to fossil fuel shocks.
However, China recognises that the green transition is incomplete if its benefits are not shared. It has supported other countries by transferring technology in solar, wind, EVs, and nuclear sectors. It is also working to transform the Belt and Road Initiative into a Green BRI. Initiatives under this framework include the Belt and Road Initiative International Green Development Coalition, the Green Development Coalition, the Silk Road Environment Programme, the Green Silk Road Envoy Programme, and various technology exchange platforms. China is also testing climate-resilient and green special economic zones.
Moreover, under “China’s Actions on South-South Cooperation in Addressing Climate Change,” it has mobilised 177 billion RMB for developing countries and signed 53 MoUs with 42 nations.
Now, imagine a scenario where a large economy reduces its reliance on fossil fuels and helps others do the same, it can significantly lower global demand and reduce geopolitical tensions. This would redefine energy security while also lowering greenhouse gas emissions. For instance, the Xinjiang solar project alone is expected to cut emissions by over six million tonnes annually.
In conclusion, several inferences can be drawn. First, a green transition is achievable if a country has the political will. Second, it can reduce dependence on fossil fuels while addressing climate change. Third, China’s success enhances its resilience to energy shocks. Fourth, it can help reduce conflicts linked to fossil fuel competition. However, each country must adopt solutions aligned with its own realities. In Pakistan’s case, this suggests prioritising nuclear and hydropower.
THE WRITER IS A POLITICAL ECONOMIST AND VISITING RESEARCH FELLOW AT HEBEI UNIVERSITY, CHINA
Business
Trump Might Welcome Chinese Investment, but America Is Wary
A hallmark of President Trump’s second term has been his penchant for negotiating economic deals with countries that pledge to invest trillions of dollars in the United States
“It’s now pouring in from all parts of the world,” Mr. Trump said during a speech last fall in which he boasted of nearly $20 trillion of foreign investment.
The meetings this week between Mr. Trump and China’s leader, Xi Jinping, in Beijing are expected to include talks over purchases of American farm products and planes and the possibility of expanding access for American companies into China’s vast consumer market.
There has also been speculation that Mr. Trump and his advisers are seeking a major investment from China. But such a pledge could be complicated by deep distrust in the United States toward Chinese firms, which many workers blame for the hollowing out of American manufacturing.
Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent acknowledged the challenge in an interview on CNBC on Thursday, explaining that the United States and China were working to develop an investment board that would determine what sectors were acceptable for Chinese investment. That would essentially provide China with guidance on how to invest in the United States without its transactions being blocked by the Committee on Foreign Investment, an interagency group that reviews foreign investment and is led by Mr. Bessent.
“Look, there are plenty of things that the Chinese could invest in in the U.S.,” said Mr. Bessent, who is in Beijing with Mr. Trump.
Chinese investment in the United States has declined sharply in recent years amid tougher investment screening standards nationally and at the state level.
That sentiment could ultimately clash with Mr. Trump’s transactional instincts and his desire to return home with a big-ticket win.
“If Trump were to be committed to a major investment deal with China, there’s still a challenge of implementation,” said Kyle Jaros, an expert on U.S.-China ties at the University of Notre Dame. “It would take real follow-through to overcome a lot of the political and regulatory barriers that are in place right now.”
According to a report published last month by the research firm Rhodium Group, less than $3 billion of Chinese investment in the United States was announced in 2025. That was the lowest on record, with investment peaking at around $45 billion in 2016.
The United States has imposed tight restrictions on Chinese investment out of national security concerns, making it difficult for Chinese firms to build factories near military facilities. Some states also have enacted restrictions on Chinese purchases of real estate and farmland.
China’s clean energy technology, such as electric vehicles and batteries, has also faced challenges in the United States because of political backlash. There was a surge of Chinese investment in those sectors after clean energy and tax legislation was passed under the Biden administration in 2022, but according to Rhodium, more than half of those investments have been canceled, paused or delayed.
A $2.4 billion electric vehicle battery factory that the Chinese company Gotion was building in Michigan was canceled last year after the community there protested and mounted legal challenges to stop the project.
Other types of Chinese investment have also stirred controversy. That includes the recent purchase by Nongfu Spring, a Chinese bottled water company, of a warehouse in New Hampshire that it wants to turn into a bottling facility. The purchase was reviewed last year by the state’s attorney general.
After the inquiry found that there was no wrongdoing associated with the transaction, Gov. Kelly Ayotte of New Hampshire issued executive orders to block China, Russia and Iran from getting access to data or purchasing land or property in the state. “Foreign adversaries like China should not be doing business in New Hampshire,” said Ms. Ayotte, a Republican.
There continues to be deep skepticism within the U.S. automobile industry about competition from China. Last month, a group of American steel associations sent a letter to top Trump administration officials urging them to keep Chinese car manufacturers out of the United States.
“As representatives of our nation’s manufacturing sector, we urge you to ensure American competitiveness by not surrendering access to the U.S. auto market to the Chinese Communist Party,” they wrote. “Additionally, allowing Chinese companies and Chinese autos into the U.S. would create consequential, unacceptable national security risks.”
Agriculture also remains a contentious issue. The chairman of the House select committee on China, Representative John Moolenaar, a Republican from Michigan, introduced new legislation this month that would ban China from acquiring U.S. farmland.
“Food security is national security, and we cannot allow foreign adversaries like China to buy up American farmland near our most sensitive military and critical infrastructure sites,” Mr. Moolenaar said.
The bipartisan bill would create a requirement for the federal government to review Chinese deals involving ports and telecommunications infrastructure. It would also apply to purchases made by investors from Russia, Iran and North Korea
Michael Pillsbury, a China scholar who has served as an outside adviser to the Trump administration, said that the president’s advisers were concerned about Chinese investments in sensitive sectors such as semiconductors, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, aerospace and critical minerals. It has been a challenge, he said, to come up with a “white list” of sectors that could be considered safe.
“The red lines have moved back and forth as the nature of technology has changed,” Mr. Pillsbury said.
He added that while Mr. Trump is eager to announce a $1 trillion Chinese investment pledge, he is mindful not to incite political backlash.
“I think there’s been an effort by the administration to avoid getting into a fight with the China hawks,” Mr. Pillsbury added.
Ahead of Mr. Trump’s trip to China, a White House official downplayed the idea that the administration was seeking to create a new $1 trillion Chinese investment program. The White House continues to be focused on pushing China to increase its purchases of American farm goods, which it boycotted for much of last year when trade tensions flared.
Despite the anticipation of a Chinese investment pledge, the details and follow-through will be important.
While Mr. Trump has said that foreign investments have topped $20 trillion, according to the White House’s own investment tracker, U.S. and foreign investment pledges made during Mr. Trump’s second term total $10.6 trillion. Foreign leaders appear to have learned that they can win favor with Mr. Trump by promising whopping investment pledges that they might not fulfill.
“The devil is in the details,” said Philip Ludvigson, a partner in King & Spalding who specializes in national security risks and foreign investment, “about not only where the investment goes but also whether it happens at all.”
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